Jurisprudence
Sovereignty
At a Glance ▪ Sovereignty is the supreme authority in a political community: the power to make law that is not itself subject to any higher legal power. It has an internal face (supremacy over everyone within the territory) and an external face (independence from other States). ▪ Bodin gave the first modern theory in the Six Books of the Commonwealth (1576). Hobbes (Leviathan, 1651) made the sovereign absolute; Rousseau (The Social Contract, 1762) placed sovereignty in the general will of the people. ▪ Austin's sovereign is a determinate human superior, habitually obeyed by the bulk of a society and not in a habit of obedience to any like superior. His sovereignty is indivisible and legally illimitable. Continuity is not one of Austin's marks: it is the very thing Hart says Austin cannot explain. ▪ The distinction between legal and political sovereignty is Dicey's. Kelsen says sovereignty belongs to the legal order, not to any person or body. ▪ The pluralists (Laski, Figgis, Maitland, Krabbe, Duguit, Cole) attacked the single, all-powerful sovereign as a fiction: authority is shared among many associations. ▪ In India no organ of government is sovereign. The Constitution is supreme and ultimate sovereignty rests with the people (Keshav Singh, 1964; Kesavananda Bharati, 1973). |
Think of an appeal that travels upward: from a clerk to his officer, to the department, to a court, to a higher court. At some point the chain must stop, or nothing would ever be decided. Sovereignty is the name for the place where the chain stops: the authority whose word is final. Every theory of sovereignty tries to say where that point lies. Is it a king, a Parliament, the people, a constitution, or, as the pluralists suggest, nowhere at all? The answer shapes your view of law, because on the classical positivist view law is simply what the sovereign commands.
Figure: Two pictures of sovereignty: Austin's single sovereign receiving the habitual obedience of subjects, against the pluralists' authority shared among the State, the church, trade unions, associations and local bodies
1. Meaning and General Attributes
The word comes, through the Old French soverain, from the late Latin superanus, meaning above or supreme. Sovereignty is therefore supreme power: the highest authority within a political society, from which the legal validity of other powers is derived and which does not itself derive its authority from any higher legal source. It is the attribute that marks the State off from every other association. A club or a church makes rules for its members, but only within the law of the State.
Writers on political science, notably Garner, list the general attributes of sovereignty as permanence (it lasts as long as the State, whatever happens to rulers), exclusiveness, all-comprehensiveness (it reaches every person and association in the territory), inalienability, unity or indivisibility, and absoluteness. Keep this general list separate from Austin's marks in section 3: permanence is a political science attribute, not one of Austin's. Sovereignty also has two faces: internal supremacy over all within the territory, and external independence from the legal control of other States.
2. The Growth of the Theory: Bodin to Bentham
Jean Bodin
The modern theory begins with the French jurist Jean Bodin, whose Six Books of the Commonwealth (1576) was written during the French wars of religion, when rival factions threatened to tear the kingdom apart. Bodin defined sovereignty as the absolute and perpetual power of a commonwealth and, in the Latin version, as supreme power over citizens and subjects, unrestrained by law. The sovereign makes law for others but is not bound by his own laws, though he remains subject to divine law, natural law and certain fundamental laws of the realm. Bodin, not Hobbes, gave the first modern theory of sovereignty.
Grotius and Hobbes
Grotius (1625) defined sovereign power by its freedom from the legal control of any other human will. Thomas Hobbes, in Leviathan (1651), took the idea to its extreme. To escape the war of all against all, men covenant with one another to hand their power to a sovereign who is not himself a party to the covenant and is therefore bound by nothing. The Hobbesian sovereign is absolute and indivisible; divided sovereignty, Hobbes thought, meant civil war. His command view of law runs directly into Bentham and Austin.
Locke and Rousseau
John Locke (Two Treatises of Government, 1690) held that government holds power on trust, and that the community may remove a legislature that betrays it. Jean-Jacques Rousseau (The Social Contract, 1762) completed the move: the sovereign is the general will of the people directed to the common good, and sovereignty is inalienable and indivisible. This is the root of popular sovereignty, the idea behind the Preamble to the Indian Constitution.
Bentham
Jeremy Bentham, in A Fragment on Government (1776), defined political society by a habit of obedience paid by subjects to a person or assemblage of persons. He is the direct source of Austin's theory, but he accepted that the supreme power could be limited by express convention, such as a federal compact. Austin hardened these ideas into the doctrine of an indivisible and illimitable sovereign.
3. Austin's Theory of Sovereignty
John Austin, in The Province of Jurisprudence Determined (1832), made sovereignty the foundation of his theory: positive law is the command of a sovereign. His definition, to be learnt word for word, is: 'If a determinate human superior, not in a habit of obedience to a like superior, receive habitual obedience from the bulk of a given society, that determinate superior is sovereign in that society, and the society (including the superior) is a society political and independent.'
Austin's marks of sovereignty ▪ A determinate human superior. A definite person or body of persons, not a vague entity such as 'the people at large' or public opinion. ▪ Habitual obedience from the bulk of society (the positive mark). Obedience must be habitual, not occasional, and from the bulk, not all, of the members. ▪ Not in a habit of obedience to any other (the negative mark). A viceroy obeyed by the people but himself obeying the Crown is not sovereign. ▪ Indivisible. Two supreme authorities are a contradiction; where power seems divided, the true sovereign is the body that stands behind both parts. ▪ Legally illimitable. Any legal limit would need a superior to impose it, and that superior would then be sovereign. Constitutional limits on the sovereign are, for Austin, only positive morality. The sovereign may be restrained in fact by religion, opinion or fear of revolt, but not in law. |
In England Austin located sovereignty in the King, the House of Lords and the electors of the House of Commons. In the United States he placed it in the governments of the several States taken together as one aggregate body, that is, in the body that can amend the Constitution. That is how he kept indivisibility intact in a federation.
Many guidebooks add continuity as an Austinian attribute. Austin did not claim it, and his theory cannot supply it: continuity is the very weakness Hart exposed (section 5).
Classic Definitions ▪ Bodin (Six Books of the Commonwealth, 1576): sovereignty is the absolute and perpetual power of a commonwealth; supreme power over citizens and subjects, unrestrained by law. ▪ Blackstone (Commentaries, 1765): in every State there must be a 'supreme, irresistible, absolute, uncontrolled authority, in which the jura summi imperii, or the rights of sovereignty, reside'. ▪ Austin (The Province of Jurisprudence Determined, 1832): 'If a determinate human superior, not in a habit of obedience to a like superior, receive habitual obedience from the bulk of a given society, that determinate superior is sovereign in that society.' ▪ Dicey (Law of the Constitution, 1885): Parliament has 'the right to make or unmake any law whatever'. This is legal sovereignty; political sovereignty lies with the electorate. ▪ Kelsen (General Theory of Law and State, 1945): sovereignty is a quality of the legal order, which is supreme because its validity is not derived from any higher order (paraphrase). |
4. Kinds of Sovereignty
Distinction | Meaning | Illustration |
|---|---|---|
Titular and real | The titular sovereign holds supreme power in name; the real sovereign exercises it in fact | The British monarch and the President of India are titular; real power lies with Parliament, the Cabinet or the Council of Ministers |
Legal and political (Dicey) | The legal sovereign is the body the courts recognise as the supreme law-maker; the political sovereign is the body whose will the legal sovereign in the end obeys | In Britain, Parliament is legally sovereign; the electorate is politically sovereign |
Popular | Ultimate authority belongs to the people as a whole | Rousseau's general will; 'We, the people of India' in the Preamble |
De jure and de facto | The de jure sovereign has the legal right to be obeyed; the de facto sovereign is actually obeyed | After a successful coup the new regime is de facto sovereign, and may become de jure by recognition (see Note 12 on the coup cases) |
Internal and external | Supremacy over all within the territory; independence from other States | A State's power to tax its residents; its freedom to make treaties |
Dicey's distinction answers a question Austin found awkward. The legal sovereign is the body whose enactments the courts must apply; the political sovereign is the electorate, whose will the legal sovereign must in the long run follow. Austin squeezed the electors into the legal sovereign itself, blurring law and politics; Dicey kept them apart.
5. Criticism of Austin's Theory
Maine: the Ranjit Singh objection
Sir Henry Maine, in Early History of Institutions (1875), pointed to Maharaja Ranjit Singh of Punjab, as absolute a despot as any, who yet never issued a command of the kind Austin called law. His subjects lived by immemorial custom and religious usage administered by village and family authorities. Austin's theory, Maine concluded, fits only the modern centralised State of western Europe; for most of history law was custom, not command.
Hart: habit, continuity and persistence
H.L.A. Hart, in The Concept of Law (1961), gave the decisive criticism. First, a habit cannot explain the right to make law. When Rex I, habitually obeyed, dies and Rex II succeeds, no habit of obeying Rex II yet exists, yet his first order is law at once. Only an accepted rule of succession explains this continuity. Second, Austin cannot explain the persistence of law: a statute made by a sovereign long dead is still law. Third, legal limits on legislatures exist: a written constitution creates disabilities, and laws made in breach are void. Fourth, placing the sovereign in a democratic electorate makes the people obey themselves, which empties the idea of obedience to a superior. Hart replaced the sovereign with the rule of recognition (see Notes 11 and 61).
Federalism and the modern State
In a federation such as the United States or India, power is divided between centre and units, both subject to a written constitution enforced by courts. Austin's amending-body device is artificial: that body rarely acts and is itself bound by procedure, and in India even the amending power is limited by the basic structure. Critics also note that Austin dismissed international law as law improperly so called. His defenders answer that he spoke of legal sovereignty only.
6. Kelsen: Sovereignty of the Legal Order
Hans Kelsen removed sovereignty from persons altogether. The State is the legal order itself (see Note 39), and sovereignty is a property of that order: it is sovereign when its validity rests on no higher legal order. Kelsen added that either national or international law may be viewed as the supreme order; legal science cannot choose between them. His approach explains what Austin could not: why authority continues when rulers change, and why a legislature is bound by the constitution under which it acts.
7. The Pluralist Attack on Sovereignty
In the early twentieth century the pluralists attacked the monistic theory of a single, unlimited State. Society is made up of many associations (churches, trade unions, professions, local communities), each with authority of its own; the State is one of them, perhaps the most important, but it does not create them.
The pluralist thinkers ▪ F.W. Maitland, through his translation of Gierke, Political Theories of the Middle Age (1900), taught that groups are real persons, not fictions created by the State. ▪ J.N. Figgis, in Churches in the Modern State (1913), argued that the church and other groups have an original, self-developing life that the State recognises but does not create. ▪ Harold Laski, in Studies in the Problem of Sovereignty (1917) and A Grammar of Politics (1925), argued that because society is federal, authority must be federal too, and suggested that political science would gain lastingly if the whole concept of sovereignty were surrendered. ▪ Hugo Krabbe, the Dutch jurist, argued in The Modern Idea of the State that the sovereignty of the State should give way to the sovereignty of law, whose authority rests on the people's sense of right. ▪ Leon Duguit denied State sovereignty altogether: rulers are bound by the objective law of social solidarity, and the State is justified only by public service. ▪ G.D.H. Cole, from guild socialism, argued that functions should be distributed among self-governing associations rather than monopolised by the State. |
The pluralists were right that loyalty and effective power are spread through society, and their work fed modern ideas of federalism and local self-government. But when associations conflict, someone must settle the dispute with final authority, and that someone is the State. Externally, too, sovereignty is now qualified by international law; a State that joins a treaty does not lose its sovereignty, it exercises it. The lasting lesson is that sovereignty is best understood as legal supremacy within a system, not as unlimited power in fact.
8. Where Does Sovereignty Lie in India?
The Preamble declares India a sovereign socialist secular democratic republic and records that 'We, the people of India' gave to themselves the Constitution. Three propositions follow. Ultimate sovereignty rests with the people. Legal supremacy rests with the Constitution: every organ is created and limited by it, and laws inconsistent with fundamental rights are void (Art. 13). No organ is sovereign: Parliament cannot make or unmake any law whatever, and even its amending power under Art. 368 cannot destroy the basic structure. India follows constitutional supremacy, not parliamentary sovereignty.
In re Berubari Union Supreme Court of India, 1960 Concerning the transfer of part of Berubari to Pakistan under the Nehru-Noon Agreement (1958), the Court held that India, as a sovereign State, can cede territory, but that cession of Indian territory to a foreign State requires a constitutional amendment under Art. 368; a law under Art. 3 is not enough. |
Maganbhai Ishwarbhai Patel v Union of India Supreme Court of India, 1969 Implementing the award of the tribunal on the Rann of Kutch boundary with Pakistan did not require an amendment, because the settlement of a disputed boundary is not a cession of Indian territory. It could be done by executive action. |
State of West Bengal v Union of India Supreme Court of India, 1962 Upholding the Union's power to acquire land vested in a State, the Court held that the States are not sovereign. The Indian Constitution creates a Union with a strong centre; the States hold only the powers the Constitution distributes to them. |
Special Reference No. 1 of 1964 (Keshav Singh) Supreme Court of India, 1964 (7 judges) In a clash between the Uttar Pradesh Legislative Assembly and the Allahabad High Court over a committal for contempt of the House, the Court held that no legislature in India is sovereign like the House of Commons. The Constitution is supreme and legislative privileges are subject to it. |
Kesavananda Bharati v State of Kerala Supreme Court of India, 1973 (13 judges, 7:6) Parliament's power to amend the Constitution does not extend to altering its basic structure. The amending body, which Austin would have called sovereign, is itself legally limited. The clearest rejection of Austinian illimitability. |
Indira Nehru Gandhi v Raj Narain Supreme Court of India, 1975 The Court struck down the clause of the 39th Amendment that placed the Prime Minister's election beyond judicial scrutiny, holding that democracy, free and fair elections and the rule of law are part of the basic structure. |
Minerva Mills v Union of India Supreme Court of India, 1980 Clauses (4) and (5) of Art. 368, inserted by the 42nd Amendment to make the amending power unlimited and unreviewable, were struck down. Limited amending power is itself a basic feature: Parliament cannot convert a limited power into an unlimited one. |
S.R. Bommai v Union of India Supreme Court of India, 1994 Federalism and secularism are basic features, and the President's satisfaction under Art. 356 is open to judicial review. |
9. Evaluation
Austin's theory remains a useful test of legal validity in a centralised State, but it confuses the fact of obedience with the right to rule and cannot account for continuity or constitutional limits. Hart's rule of recognition and Kelsen's supreme legal order place the final word in rules rather than persons, and the Indian Constitution reflects that modern understanding: the people are the source of authority, the Constitution is the supreme law, and every organ acts within limits the courts enforce.
Memory Aid ▪ Analogy: sovereignty is the top floor of a building of appeals. Austin says a person lives there; Kelsen says it is the constitution of the building; the pluralists say the building has many towers and no single top floor; the Indian Constitution says the building belongs to the people and the rulebook, not to any resident. ▪ Austin's marks: 'D-H-N-I-I'. Determinate superior; Habitual obedience of the bulk; Not habitually obeying another; Indivisible; Illimitable. No C for continuity: that is Hart's charge against Austin. ▪ Chronology: 'Bodin Hobbled Rousseau's Bent Austin'. Bodin 1576, Hobbes 1651, Rousseau 1762, Bentham 1776, Austin 1832. ▪ Pluralists: 'My Friend Laski Keeps Doubting Cole'. Maitland, Figgis, Laski, Krabbe, Duguit, Cole. |
Exam Corner: Likely Questions ▪ Explain Austin's theory of sovereignty. Examine the criticism of it by Maine and Hart. ▪ Discuss the pluralist theory of sovereignty with reference to Laski, Figgis and Duguit. ▪ Distinguish legal from political sovereignty, and de jure from de facto sovereignty. ▪ 'In India no organ of government is sovereign.' Discuss with reference to the Keshav Singh reference, Kesavananda Bharati and Minerva Mills. |
Exam Corner: MCQ Traps ▪ The first modern theory of sovereignty is Bodin's (1576), not Hobbes's (1651). ▪ Legal and political sovereignty is Dicey's distinction, not Austin's. ▪ Continuity is not an Austinian attribute; the Rex I and Rex II example is Hart's criticism of Austin. ▪ The Ranjit Singh criticism is Maine's (Early History of Institutions, 1875). ▪ A Grammar of Politics (1925) is Laski; Churches in the Modern State (1913) is Figgis. |
10. Frequently Asked Questions
Q. What are Austin's marks of sovereignty?
A. The sovereign is a determinate human superior who receives habitual obedience from the bulk of a given society and is not in a habit of obedience to any like superior. Sovereignty on his view is indivisible and legally illimitable. Continuity is not one of his marks.
Q. What was Hart's main objection to Austin's sovereign?
A. That a habit of obedience cannot explain the right to make law. When Rex I dies, Rex II's first order is law at once though no habit of obeying him yet exists; and old statutes remain law after their makers are dead. Only accepted rules, above all the rule of recognition, explain continuity and persistence. Hart also showed that constitutions legally limit legislatures.
Q. What did the pluralists argue?
A. That the State is one association among many, that churches, unions and other groups have authority of their own, and that sovereignty is in fact divided and limited. Laski even suggested the concept of sovereignty should be surrendered.
Q. Who is sovereign in India?
A. No organ. The people are the ultimate source of authority and the Constitution is the supreme law. Parliament, the executive, the States and even the amending power are limited by the Constitution, as held in Keshav Singh (1964), Kesavananda Bharati (1973) and Minerva Mills (1980).
See also: Note 11 (analytical school and Austin), Note 12 (Kelsen), Note 39 (State and law), Note 40 (rule of law), Note 46 (constitutional doctrines), Note 61 (Austin versus Hart), Note 62 (Austin versus Kelsen).
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